Steman, Johannes Antonius (Jan). SOE/BBO agent/marconist, missie BEZIQUE. Rol: marconist voor missie DRAUGHTS, zendplan NIDD. Na het vertrek van Tobias Biallosterski uit Nederland werd Jan Steman marconist voor Cock van Paaschen, alias DRAUGHTS II. Netwerk-2 SOE/BBO alias: FRANS.
Netwerk-3 Netwerk van Paaschen
Safehouse Gemmeke, Amalia van Solmstraat 119, Den Haag. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Vredespaleis, Den Haag. De moeder van Cornelis van Paaschen woonde hier. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Mazee, boerderij aan de Beligisch-Franse grens. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Parijs, Le Garage. Rue Cautincourt 44, M & Mme Coupel. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Toulouse, huis van de VIC escape line. Robert Cabrit, Rue Rissignol 6, Toulouse. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Toulouse, huis van de VIC escape line. Rue Mas des Augustin 9, Toulouse.
Safehouse Simon Laan, Biallosterski & de Vos, Grote Zomerdijk te Spanbroek. Netwerk-3
Safehouse Reli, Biallosterski & de Vos, Huize De Rommelpot, Singel 150, Amsterdam. Netwerk-3
Safehouse van Goethem, Tobias Biallosterski, Milletstraat 39, Amsterdam. Netwerk-3
Safehouse & Office, Tobias Biallosterski, Nieuwe Herengracht 5, Amsterdam. Netwerk-3
Safehouse & Office, Tobias Biallosterski, Noorder Amstelaan 37, Amsterdam. Netwerk-3
Safehouse Veeneklaas, Dr. Veeneklaas, Stationskade 64, Amsterdam. Netwerk Pieter de Vos
Safehouse Bronckhorst, Fam. Bronckhorst, Binnengasthuis, Amsterdam. Netwerk Pieter de Vos
Safehouse Tammes, Dr. Tammes, Nicolaas Maesstraat 74, Amsterdam. Netwerk Paul Peters
Safehouse Marres, Dr. Courbetstraat 17, Amsterdam. Netwerk Paul Peters
Safehouse Gorter, Ds. Gorter, Rotterdam. Netwerk Paul Peters
Safehouse van Geuns, woning van Sebastiaan van Geuns, Zomerdijkstraat 28, Amsterdam, Gerrit van der Veen woonde hier ook. Netwerk-3
Safehouse van Driel, Dorpstraat, Zoetermeer. Schuiladres van Jan Steman. Netwerk van Paaschen
Safehouse Bodegraven, schuiladres van Jan Steman. Netwerk van Paaschen
Safehouse Bronkhorst, Kloveniersburgwal, Amsterdam. Netwerk Pieter de Vos
Safehouse Odette Delorme: Rue Ernest Cresson 4, Parijs. Netwerk-2
Safehouse Miep Schrikkel, Nieuwe Looiersstraat, Amsterdam. Schuiladres van Bram Grisnigt.
Schendel, van. Antonius Simeon Marie, alias TON. Geboren 16 augustus 1894 te Rotterdam, overleden 9 augustus te Den Haag. Chef marconist van de Orde Dienst.
Stoppelaar, de. Gerardus, alias LUDO. SOE/BBO agent, HS9/1419/9. Geboren 25 april 1916 te Vlaardingen, overleden 24 mei 1989 te Wilmington, USA. Werkte als kweker in de Longwood Gardens en schreef een boek getiteld "The Longwood Gardens method of propagating winter flowering Begonias"
Stofberg. Familie die in Zwolle-Ittersum SIS/BI agent/marconist Max Smit een safehouse/zendlocatie bood. Adres: Nieuwe Deventerstraat.
Snewing, Syball. Medewerker N-Section.
Swick, Raymond. Air Corps. Born 1922 Indiana, County Tippcanoe. Enlisted 18 november 1942 Fort Benjamin, Harrison, Indiana. Army service number 15335773.
Smit, Pieter. Lid RVV Amsterdam. Ging waarschijnlijk in gezelschap van Kattouw in september 1944 naar Hengelo. Om daar een radionetwerk voor de groep Packard op te zetten.
Shannon, Kenneth Albert. Neergeschoten op 25 juni 1943 na een bombardement op Bochum.
Smit, Jan Kors. Hielp Chidson om diamanten uit een bankkluis in Amsterdam te halen, voordat de Duitsers deze in mei 1940 in handen zouden kriigen.
Staring, Ciske. Koerierster van Bob Celosse uit Amsterdam. Er is een ster naar haar vernoemd. Trouwde na de oorlog mogelijk met Tony Cnoops. Was waarschijnlijk ook lid van de sabotage groep CS-6.
Sipma, Bob. Alias van SOE/BBO agent/marconist Huub Sanders. Missie CURLING. DCE1/KV/5608,
14 juni 1943.
Schouten. Alias van agent Johan Seijben, missie PING-PONG. DCE1/KV/5630 van 22 juni 1943.
S-Phone, vliegende B.I. operators waren Jaap Ludolph, Piet Gerbrands en Gijs de Jong.
Stadt, van der. Alias van SIS/B.I. agent/marconist Max Smit.
Soudan, Rene. Born 29-10-1911 (B). Used the alias Louis Bleriot while travelling on the VIC line.
SOCRATES, alias of a banker called Scheyven, who played an important role in the Belgian resistance.
Straaten, van Ab. Alias van Allard Brinkman, V-Mann van SD-er Frank. Was een dubbelspion?
Sobenlader, naam van spionage groep onder leiding van mevrouw E.A.C. Meijlink. Sobenlader volgde de groep Zwaantje van Oosterhuis en Boerema op, nadat Oosterhuis gearresteerd was.
Sicherheits Polizei (SiPo). Bestond uit een centrale eenheid in Den Haag en 6 zogenaamde Aussenstellen in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Groningen, Arnhem, Den Bosch en Maastricht. Personen die bij de SiPo werkten waren ondermeer: Schreieder, Deppner, Heinrich Ackermann, Bauer, Bartels, Ortmann, Wilfert, Ernst May, Otto Haubrok en anderen. De centrale eenheid verruilde in 1944 Den Haag voor Zwolle.
Stoppelaar, de. H.E. (Hetty), secretaresse van Siewert de Koe, Groep Kees. Geboren 8 oktober 1919 te Sidoardjo, Ned. Indië. Overleden op 30 oktober 2000 te Den Haag. Gehuwd met Ir. Jan Rudolf Reus.
Schreieder, Joseph. Geboren 15 augustus 1904 te München. Overleden 1989?
SAUL, alias van Dr. Henk Veeneklaas. Netwerk-3
Sil, SOE zendschema. Frequenties: 3518, 3848, 5523, 5621, 5878, 6108, 6284 en 6546 kHz.
Spean, SOE zendschema. Frequenties: 3518, 5560, 5799, 5833, 5878, 6243, 6387.5 en 6555 kHz.
Santen, van. Alias van jhr. P.J. Six Chef van de staf AHK-OD, later Staf CBS.
Schuilinga, alias van J.P. Six.
SIEM, alias van Siem de Man, Gewestelijk commandant BS, Stijdend Gedeelte in Utrecht.
SIMON, alias van Dhr. Schuilinga, medewerker Telefoonverbindingen C.I.D.
Scholberg, alias van Mr. J.H. de Tombes, Gewestelijk commandant der B.T. in Utrecht.
Stuart, alias van Dhr. Vermeulen.
SOE Homestation. SOE WT station in Poundon, of Grendon-Underwood. Netwerk-2 Netwerk-3
Schipper, Hil. Commandant Afwerp Terreinen Noord-Holland. Grote Zomerdijk, Spanbroek. Stond direct in verbinding met Tobias Biallosterski in Amsterdam. Voordat er een telefonische verbinding ontstond was er een koeriersdienst tussen Amsterdam en Spanbroek via Midden-Beemster. Netwerk-3
Springate, Alfred C. RAF marconist op een Halifax bommenwerper die in de nacht van 13 op 14 oktober neerstortte in de buurt van Staveren. Assisteerde Lijkele Faber met het verzenden van berichten naar Londen. Netwerk-3
Studenten Verzet in Amsterdam. Leden waren onder andere Anita Gijsen, Theo van Gogh, Gijs Gorter, Paul Polak, Johan Beunders, Wilco Jiskoot, Hans Schippers, Willy Bexterman, etc, etc. Netwerk-3
Schipper, J.H.A.(Jan). Grote Zomerdijk 61, Spanbroek. Boerderij 'Mandrill', oom van Hil Schipper. Netwerk-3
Stichting 40-45, opgericht op 19 oktober 1944 te Amsterdam. Waarschijnlijk was Tobias Biallosterski hierbij niet aanwezig. De vergadering vond plaats in een huis aan de Herengracht. Netwerk-3
Strafgevangenis Scheveningen, hier zaten veel gearresteerde agenten, marconisten en leden van het verzet opgesloten.
Smit, J. Marconist van de Packard Groep, gearresteerd tijdens uitzending in een gebouw van de Technische Hogeschool te Delft. Overleden in een concentratiekamp in Duitsland. Packard
Sjoerdsma, Sjoerd. Arriveerde in Engeland op 13 september 1944. Aankomst in de RVPS op 13 september 1944. Deserteerde van een schip in Lulea op 7 augustus 1943. HS9/1367/8. SOE/BBO agent/marconist. Nadere informatie volgt. PF Sjoerdsma.
Stevens, marconist van 'Groep Kees'. Netwerk Dijckmeester
SD Aussenstellen in Nederland: Amsterdam, Groningen, Arnhem, Den Bosch, Maastricht en Rotterdam.
SD Aussenstelle Rotterdam. SS-Obersturmfuhrer Möller, opgevolgd door Wölk. SS Obersturmfuhrer köning. Untersturmfuhrer W. Bracht, Hauptscharfuhrer H. Seifert.
Sonderkommando Frank: Friedrich Frank, Den Haag. Netwerk van Paaschen
Sybesma, medisch student en medewerker van de BIET organisatie van Henk Veeneklaas.
Stevens, Harry. Alias van Jard du Celliee-Muller. Netwerk-3
Smulders, Theo. Koerier en lid van het werkwerk van Cock van Paaschen. Netwerk van Paaschen
Soest, van. Lid van het werkwerk van Cock van Paaschen.
Spanjaard, Mientje. Archimedesstraat 86, Den Haag. Coder/decoder van Cock van Paaschen.
Snip, Klaas terrein commandant veld Oliver, alias GROTE KLAAS. Netwerk Schipper
Schippers, Johan Godefridus (Hans). Geboren 13 februari 1923, gefusilleerd op 8 maart 1945 te Rozenoord, Amsterdam. Lid van het studentenverzet Amsterdam.
Smoorenburg, Johannes Michael. Arts. Terreinarts op de droppingsvelden in Noord-Holland. Gefusilllerd op 6 april 1945 te Limmen. Raakte gewond tijdens de uitbraakpoging uit het gemeentehuis te Obdam op 10 februari 1945.
Stoep, Marinus van der. SOE agent voor Rotterdam. Geboren 27 September 1917 te Beesd, overleden 9 April 1945 te Rotterdam als gevolg van vuurgevecht. Mission SCRAPE. Alias VICTOR. Gedropt in de nacht van 27 op 28 Februari 1945 in de buurt van Zoetermeer. Drop Zone 'FLINT', H-181. Namen in het veld: Martin Scheffer en Magnus van Schelven. HS9/1510/1.
Schat, Do. Medewerker van de Inlichtingen Dienst. Broodbakker te Utrecht.
Schat, Mas. Medewerker van de Inlichtingen Dienst. Industrieel, verschafte inlichtingen over Duitse scheepswerven.
Swam, van de Dr. Contactpersoon van de heer Boelens van Groep Zwaantje in Hoogezand.
Stok, van der Johan Paul (Hans). Mi-6/BI agent/foto-expert/marconist. Geboren 21 maart 1919 te Balikpapan, overleden KZ Gusen (A) op 11 april 1945. Gedropt in de nacht van 19 op 20 september 1943 in de buurt van Middenmeer in de Wieringermeer. Gearresteerd op 2 februari 1944. Trainingnaam Johansen. Alias IRENE, radioplan St. LEONARD. BI alias HANS, naam in het veld Jan de Vries.
SUZE, alias van Nel Lind, Fiat Libertas.
Steen, Harm. MI-6/BI agent marconist, liaison bij de RVV en moest contact maken met het NSF. Geboren op 14 juni 1916 te Magelang, Indië. Overleden op 5 september te Vught. Gedropt in de nacht van 10 op 11 januari 1944 in de buurt van Princenhage, bij Breda met twee radiosets. Uitgepeild en gearresteerd op 2 maart 1944, of op 14 maart 1944. Trainingsnaam Hein van Tilburg. Missienaam SEDBURGH. BI codenaam KEES of WITTE BEEREN of PAULTJE. Naam in het veld H.J. Broekhuizen, of LANGE HARM of DE LUIT.
Sutherland, Martinus Adoph Cornelis (Tinus). MI-6/BI agent/marconist verbonden aan Mans. Geboren op 3 oktober 1917 te Breda, overleden op 6 november 1982 te Eindhoven. Gedropt in de nacht van 4 op 4 augustus 1944 in de buurt van Streefkerk. Gearresteerd op 11 november 1944. Bevrijd uit een concentratie kamp en meldde zich terug op 12 mei 1945. Trainingsnaam Tini Nieuwenhuizen. Zendschema St. Simon. BI codenaam TINI of CHARLES. Codenaam LICHTSCHIP of DE SUUT. Naam in het veld Cornelis A.M. Hooydonk.
Stok, van der Felix, broer van MI-6/BI agent Hans van der Stok.
Steenis, van O.L. Medewerker Groep Harry in Eindhoven.
Sonderman, Gerben. Testvlieger bij Fokker, medewerker van de Orde Dienst in Amsterdam.
Schreinemachers, Willem Jan Hubertus (Wim). MI-6/BI agent. Liaisonofficier bij Groep Harry in Eindhoven en bij de Geheime Dienst Nederland. Geboren 6 januari 1910 te Meester Cornelis, Java, Indië. Overleden in 1987. Gedropt op de avond van 8 oktober 1943 in de buurt van Malden, Gelderland. Meldde zich terug op 5 september 1944. BI codenamen: RUDI, LEWIS, LEATHERHEAD, WIM, Hein Roessing en Jan Adriaan Scheltema.
Schoenmaker, Willem. Wonende te Deventer. Marconist voor de spionagegroep Geheime Dienst Nederland. Werkte in Deventer, Groningen en Amsterdam. Alias: MIKI.
Schoenmaker, Paul. Wonende te Deventer, medewerker van de spionagegroep Geheime Dienst Nederland. Broer van Willem Schoenmaker.
Stenfert-Kroeze, Hannah. Geboren op 13 december 1918, overleden 2004. Was in de oorlog betrokken bij het studenten verzet en was zogenaamd gijzelaar in Haaren. Heeft in Scheveningen in de doden-cel gezet. Trouwde kort na haar vrijlating op 31 augustus 1944 te Moergestel, in Huize Zomerweelde, met Gijsbert Leonard van den Bergh (1916-2003) en kreeg 3 kinderen. Trouwde na scheiding op 2 november 1959 met Willem Drooglever-Fortuyn (1913-2003).
Schelle, van. Jan David Anton. SOE agent om ontsnappingslijnen naar België te controleren. Missie BADMINTON, alias APOLLO. Tijdens missie gecrashed bij Malines in België in de nacht van 18 op 19 oktober 1943, terug gekeerd op 20 december 1943, mogelijk met hulp van de Duitsers. Namen in het veld: Jan Scholten, ANTON en Jan Sluis. Andere agent in het verongelukte toestel was Johan Grün, alias BRUTUS.
SIMON, alias van ?? Gaf leiding aan de technische afdeling van de CID. Overzicht Verzet
SJOER, alias van ?? Hoofdredacteur bij Vrij Nederland. Overzicht Verzet
Schermerhorn, professor. gaf leiding aan het hoogleraren verzet. Overzicht Verzet
Schamp, Theodorus Johannes. Geboren 30 juni 1904 te Amsterdam, overleden 14 april 1945 te Amsterdam. Theo was sergeant-majoor-telegrafist bij de Koninklijke Marine en woonde in de Marinekazerne in Amsterdam. Na de capitulatie in mei 1940 werd hij met wachtgeld gestuurd en ging hij weer bij zijn ouders - en na het overlijden van zijn moeder in maart 1942 bij zijn vader (ook een oud-marineman) - aan 2e van Swindenstraat 8-II wonen. In september 1941 aanvaardde hij een betrekking als controleur bij de Dienst Luistervergunningen van het Staatsbedrijf der PTT. Na een oproep voor terugvoering in Duitse krijgsgevangenschap te hebben ontvangen, dook hij medio mei 1943 onder op verschillende adressen. Vanaf september 1943 was Schamp als reserve-marconist verbonden aan de Radiodienst van de OD. Sinds september 1944 was hij ten behoeve van het AHK-OD en de illegale Groep 2000 als marconist dagelijks actief bij het verzenden van gecodeerde telegrammen vanaf Leidend Station-II, een in de woning van D. Hulsman (in het Oudeliedentehuis aan Nieuwe Herengracht 2 in Amsterdam) geïnstalleerde radio-, zend- en ontvangpost. Daarnaast was hij betrokken bij het verzorgen van droppingterreinen. Op 30 januari 1945 werd hij bij een inval door de Sipo in het pand waar LS-II stond opgesteld, gearresteerd en overgebracht naar het Oranjehotel in Scheveningen. Later teruggevoerd naar het HvB-Weteringschans in Amsterdam werd hij op 14 april 1945 op de Amsteldijk gefusilleerd.
Stam, Anton Hendrik. Geboren 13 oktober 1919 te Rotterdam, overleden in 2000. Marconist van de OD Radiodienst. Navigator Radio-officier. Radio-telegrafist bij het Marine-Zendstation. Behoorde tot de leiding van Vrij Nederland.
Smit, Marion. Verschafte Lodo van Hamel tijdens missie WINDMILL onderdak. Zou ook meevliegen naar Engeland tijdens de exfiltratie van Lodo van Hamel. Werd ook gearresteerd en tijdens het proces tegen de Groep van Hamel vrijgesproken.
Slottke, Gertrud. Geboren op 6 oktober 1902 te Mühlentahl, Oost-Pruisen. Overleden 17 december 1971 te Stuttgard. Was een Duits secretaresse, die bij de afdeling IV B 4 van de Sicherheitspolizei und SD in Den Haag medeverantwoordelijk was voor de deportatie van bijna 55.000 Joden.
Zij was de dochter van een molenaar en groeide op in West-Pruisen en in Danzig. Ze werkte na haar middelbareschooltijd in diverse handels- en transportbedrijven in Danzig en werd in 1933 lid van de NSDAP. Nadat Danzig in 1939 in het Derde Rijk was ingelijfd, ging zij werken voor de Reichsstatthalter Albert Forster in de afdeling Arbeid en Economie. In het voorjaar van 1941 trad zij in dienst van de Sicherheitspolizei in het bezette Nederland. In 1942 ging zij werken voor de afdeling IV B 4 in Den Haag, de Nederlandse afdeling van het Judenreferat van Adolf Eichmann, die belast was met de deportatie van de Joden. In 1943 kreeg zij de verantwoordelijkheid over de afwikkeling van de Rückstellungen, waarbij Joden voor bepaalde tijd van transport waren vrijgesteld. In haar functie bezocht zij meermaals Kamp Westerbork en het concentratiekamp Bergen-Belsen. Het grootste deel van de Joden die een Rückstellung hadden werden alsnog gedeporteerd.
Gertrud Slottke was direct betrokken bij de deportatie op 7 september 1943 uit kamp Westerbork van vier van de vijf leden van de familie Hillesum: de ouders Louis en Riva Hillesum Bernstein, dochter Etty en de jongste zoon Mischa. Fraulein Slottke was de nazi-fuctionaris, werkzaam op het kantoor van het Judenreferat IV B4 in Den Haag, die het dossier Hillesum voorbereidde, ter ondertekening aan haar superieur Wilhelm Zöpf voorlegde en vervolgens afsloot.
Na Dolle Dinsdag werd haar afdeling eerst naar het westen van Duitsland verplaatst en later naar kamp Ravensbrück. Ze kwam tot het einde van de oorlog nog regelmatig in Den Haag en werd na de bevrijding door de Canadezen geïnterneerd. In 1945 keerde zij al weer terug naar Duitsland, waar zij als secretaresse aan de slag ging. In 1948 werd zij in Duitsland als meeloper gedenazificeerd. Vanaf 1952 werkte zij halve dagen als seretaresse bij het kantoor van de Zuidduitse plantenkwekersvereniging van de Landbouw Hogeschool in Stuttgart-Hohenheim.
In 1959 werd in Duitsland een gerechtelijk vooronderzoek ingesteld naar de deportatie van Joden uit Nederland. Naast Slottke werden ook haar chef Wilhelm Zöpf en diens chef Wilhelm Harster aangeklaagd. In 1967 werden zij veroordeeld voor medeplichtigheid aan de moord op de Joden, Harster voor 82.856 gevallen, Zöpf voor 55.382 en Slottke in 54.982 gevallen. In tegenstelling tot Harster en Zöpf hield Slottke vol onschuldig te zijn en alleen in opdracht gewerkt te hebben. Zij werd tot vijf jaar tuchthuis veroordeeld. Daar verrichtte ze secretaressewerk voor de directrice. Zij overleed in gevangenschap in 1971. Bron: Wikipedia.
Snoek, Johan Willem. Was een Nederlandse SS-er. Pleegde op 8 juni 1945 zelfmoord. Hij schoot op 16 juni 1944 de volgende personen een kogel in het achterhoofd op de executieplaats in Overveen: Johannes Post, Jan Niklaas Veldman, Frits Smit, Arie Stramrood, Jacques Stil, Hilbert van Dijk, Cor ten Hoope (de beide laatstgenoemden op brancards), Jacob Balder, Frits Boverhuis, Nico Jonk, Ernst Klijzing, Ferdinand Ploeger, Rens Prins, Klaas Ritzema en Koen Rozendaal.
Johan Willem Snoek, 22 jaar, Waffen-SS (SS-Scharfurer), zelfmoord door pistoolschot in de zijkant van zijn achterhoofd achter het oor, 2 getuigen, laat afscheidsbrief achter gericht aan de commandant BS, locatie N. Passeerstraat voor perceel nr 1 (turnhal). 8 juni 1945 te 16:00 uur.
Seelig, Irma. Geboren 1916 te Duitsland. Was de vriendin van Leo Frijda van CS-6. Zij deed wat klusjes voor de verzetsgroep maar werd door CS-6 niet voor het zwaardere werk ingezet. Ze zou altijd al een `zwak` meisje geweest zijn. Irma werd door de Duitsers gearresteerd. In handen van de Duitsers konden verzetsstrijders naar de tegenpartij overlopen. Ze werden onder druk gezet en bezweken. Hierna kwamen ze weer op vrije voeten en gingen voor de Duitsers werken, ze draaiden van mensen die voor het verzet werkten naar verraders. De verzetsgroep was blij dat iemand weer terug was, of wist niet eens dat iemand een weekje weggeweest was. Irma Seelig is hier het voorbeeld van bij het verraad van CS-6. Irma Seelig werd na een paar dagen vrijgelaten en was “gedraaid”. Als joodse zal zij zich extra onder druk gezet hebben gevoeld. Behalve zichzelf, kon ze ook haar familie redden door te ‘draaien’. De Duitser Oelschlägel, die haar verhoorde, zou bekend hebben gestaan om zijn hypnotiserende krachten. Irma verloofde zich tijdens de oorlog nog met Oelschlägel. Hij is later 23 oktober 1944 geliquideerd. Jan Verleun vertrouwde Irma niet echt toen zij een afspraak met hem wilde maken bij het Vondelpark. Maar inmiddels had hij de leiding over een aantal CS-6 leden en hij voelde zich verantwoordelijk om met haar te praten. Mogelijk wilde hij haar zelfs liquideren. Hij stapte een halte eerder uit dan de halte waar hij met haar afgesproken had. Hij liet zich schaduwen door twee andere leden van zijn groep, Stuy en Celosse. Jan Verleun liep bij de Zocherstraat en de Amstelveenseweg en had 4 mensen op zijn nek. Jan Verleun schreef, vanuit zijn dodencel, aan zijn vader: `De bom is gebarsten. Mijn werk is afgelopen door het verraad waar de Mof de oorlog mee tracht te winnen. De verloofde van Leo Frijda (een Duitse Jodin!) was door de Gestapo losgelaten om de judaskus te geven aan alle oude bekenden, die nog niet gearresteerd waren".
Irma Seelig werd in 1948 tot twaalf jaar gevangenisstraf veroordeeld door het bijzonder gerechtshof. Zij ging in cassatie en werd psychiatrisch onderzocht. De onderzochte zou een onopvallende, wat neurotische huisvrouw zijn…. Mede doordat de moeder van Jan Verleun voor haar pleitte kreeg ze strafverminderingen en kwam ze in juli 1952 vrij. In hetzelfde jaar waarop de afscheidsbrieven van Jan Verleun gepubliceerd werden. Bron: https://www.cs6-indedonkerekamervanhermans.nl
Schilp K.H. Luitenant ter Zee, werkzaam op het bureau Militaire Voorbereiding Terugkeer (MVT).
Snapper, Frits. Geboren op 29-09-1912 te Amsterdam, overleden op 11-11-2007 te Den Haag. Hij was een Joodse Nederlandse militair en verzetsstrijder in Italië. Promoveerde in 1959 aan de UvA in geschiedkunde. Reserve kapitein Infanterie. Ridder in de orde Oranje Nassau, MBE, Distintivo d'Onore Instituto per i Partriote Volontari della Liberta. Zie het boek 'SAS the Italian job' door Damien Lewis.
Schiedlaudlausky, Gerhard. NO-508 Affidavit Dr Gerhard Schiedlausky - Buchenwald physician
Source: NO-508 Affidavit of 7 August 1945.
Freising, 7 August 1945
I, Gerhard SCHIEDLAUSKY, MD, Hauptsturmfuehrer of the Reserve of the Waffen SS, declare the following:
I was drafted on the 28 October 1939. From the 21st of March to the end of September, 1941, I worked as a doctor in the concentration camp Mauthausen as Truppenarzt and also in the prisoners' wards. From that time I remember that so-called SMITH fratures ("Parierfracturen"), fractures in the lower third of the lower arm, and jaw fractures occurred which could be traced back to the roughness of the prisoners, especially to many of the Capos who were notorious for their brutality. Since there was a large number of professional criminals, it was unavoidable that some cases of unnatural death should occur; the prisoners among themselves exercised a hard and brutal system of justice. Through the most dire threats, thieves, especially those who sole bread, were driven to suicide which mostly took the form of hanging. I estimate that in about two cases they deliberately ran into the electric wire fence. There were also a series of men who were shot in flight. At one time attempted escapes, especially when a transport of Dutch Jews arrived, increased so much that the danger existed that a future increase in these suicidal flights would stir up the camp; consequently the camp headquarters armed husky prisoners with clubs and placed them near the line of guards and successfully, within a short time, stopped these attempts that had previously reached a toll of up to twelve deaths daily. In Mauthausen, I also witnessed punishment by beatings (Prugelstrafe) which were at that time administered by the block leaders after the required formalities had been met. These amounted up to twentyfive lashes. From the near camp, Gusen, I further remember that several cases of broken jaws occurred. During my time in Mauthausen, I remember the following SS members who worked in the Medical Detachment (Sanitaetsdienst);
Station physician: SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. MATTNER, till the beginning of July, 1941; later, for a short time: SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Joseph FRIEDL (deceased); finally: SS Strumbannfuehrer Dr. KREBSBACH. SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. Ladislaus CONRAD (deceased) was another physician. Dentist: SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. KAPPE, later an SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. HENKEL. Dr KAPPE left Mauthausen for the front about August, 1941. Pharmacist: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer WASICKY. Of the non-commissioned medical officers, I remember SS Hauptscharfuehrer METZNAR who was in charge of the office; there were further four or five more enlisted men whose names I cannot recall. In the camp Gusen the following doctors were active: SS Untersturmfuehrer HESCHL, JUNG and SAITSCHIK, also SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Karl ABRAHAM, dentist. From the beginning of October to the beginning of December, 1941, I worked as troop and prison doctor in Flossenburg. An early winter brought along many serious illnesses and cases of collapse upon the job, especially in the stone quarry. These cases mostly ended in death. In November, 1941, the first transports of Soviet POWs arrived. They arrived in a bad overall condition, underfed, half-starved, and they brought spotted fever with them so there was immediately plenty of work for thenewly appointed prison docters. The SS doctors there were:
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. TROMMER; my successor, SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. OTTOKAR BLASCHKE. The dentists were: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. PUETZ, later SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. HELLINGER.
At the beginning of December, 1941, I received orders to proceed to Ravensbruck to relieve Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. SONNTAG as station physician (Standortarzt). there were three camps:
1.) The women's camp which had about six thousand prisoners in the beginning, and which in August, 1943, had eighteen thousand. I did not observe any cruelties on the part of the SS personnel or female guards, although occasional dog bites, almost always of a mild nature occurred due to the negligence of the women guards or the unpredictability of the dogs.. Cases of unnatural death were very rare: once it was a Russian woman who tired to escape over the electric fence and died in the attempt, and there were several cases of suicide by hanging, perhaps two or three. In 1942 and 1943 orders came from the Reichsfuehrer SS that in the women's camp Ravenbruck suitable volunteers were to be picked in order to establish brothers in some of the men's camps. In my capacity as camp doctor I had to take part in choosing suitable girls from among the applicants. They had to be healthy, of age and previously engaged in prostitution. Those who volunteered were mostly German prostitutes, also some Poles and one German gypsy halfbreed. During my time approximately the following camps were supplied with prostitutes: Mauthausen or Gusen with sixteen, Buchenwald with fourteen, Flossenburg with about ten. Dachau also received some, but in my estimation no more than two or four.
The punishment inflicted upon women in Ravensbruck was different in that the Reichsfuehrer SS had reserved for himself alone the decision to have these German women flogged at least those who, as wives or widows of soldiers, had given themselves to foreigners. In this case there were floggings up to three times twenty-five blows under more severe conditions, that is, with a naked behind. In the beginning, this was done by women guards, but later exclusively by female prisoners. Depending on the number, the punishment took place once or twice a week and five to eight women were punished.
On order of the Reichsfuehrer, Gruppenfuehrer Dr. GEBHARD, HOHENLYCHEN, carried out a series of experiments in about 1942 and 1943. The problem to be solved was the therapeutic effect of a number of medicines and possibly also surgery upon gangrene. Polish women who had been sentenced to death by court martial and who were awaiting execution, after their sentences had been approved by the Governor General, were chosen as subjects. The experiment proceeded as follows: a six to eight cam long incision was made in the lower calf. A certain bacteria culture which was sent especially for this purpose by the Hygiene Insitute of the Ss was placed deep in the calf muscle, and then the skin was rejoined. As camp doctor, my only responsibility was to see that clinical matters such as the operation itself, nutrition and special nursing, etc., were taken care of to the satisfaction of Professor GEBHARD. The operation itself was performed by Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. STUMPFEGGER and Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. FISCHER; the camp docotr, Miss OBERHAUSER assisted them. I estimate that about thirty to forty women were used for this experiment with about ten to twelve dying. Oberarzt Dr. HEISSMEIR, head of the tuberculosis sanatorium Hohenlychen, intended to conduct another series of experiments with prisoners, but these were not approved by the higher authorities. Here the main interest was tuberculosis research, to check the reaction of the patient to increasing burdens of physical exertion.
2.) The male camp Ravensbruck: This was purely a work camp for the development of industry. Because of the peculiar working conditions the rate of illness was always rather high. As station doctor I had to supervise the prisoners' hospital.
3.) The youth protection camp Uckermark - The female inmates were almost entirely German girls, on whom the efforts of ordinary reformatory education (Fuersorgeerziehung) had failed, who continued social activities [sic], loafed around and would not let themselves be influenced by their parents and would not obey them. Among them were girls, who because of inherited biological traits were considered inferior, partly because they were epileptics, or the offspring of drunkards, mental cases or sexual maniacs. Only a few of the prisoners were girls who had committed some sort of crime that would ordinarily land them in Ravensbruck, but who were sent there because of their youth. Thse were mostly cases of forbidden contact with foreigners, almost always sexual intercourse.
As far as hygienic conditions went in all 3 camps, in the beginning there was sufficient space in the women's camp, but due to the mounting number of prisoners, there were not sufficient beds to go around, so that people working on day and night shifts had to alternate in a bed. Consequently scabies and also some lice were observed.
My co-workers in Ravensbruck were:
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. SONNTAG - my predecessor
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. TROMMER - my successor.
Camp doctors (female): Mrs SONNTAG, MD, Miss OBERHAUSER, MD; both left before my time.
Camp doctor (male): SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. R.IF ROSENTHAL who, after a special doctor was no longer assigned solely to the men's camp, took over the latter job, too. Previous doctors in the men's camp were:
SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. KI???ETTER, SS Oberstrumfuehrer Dr. Ottokar BLASCHKE and SS Untersturmfuehrer BERGER who was employed as a dentist, when a candidate for the state medical examination, temporarily took over the duties of doctor. The dentists at this time were: SS Sturmbannfueher Dr. Karl (?) MUECKE and SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. HELLINGER; Dentist was SS Unterscharfuehrer FENCHEL at first, and later SS Hauptscharfuehrer GARMS was charged with the dental care of the men's camp; SS Untersturmfuehrer LORBEER (deceased) was the pharmacists; of the non-commissioned officers of the medical corps, there were present when I took over:
SS Oberscharfuehrer BUETTNER and the two Unterscharfuehrer MUSIKANT and JANTZEN.
In August 1943, I was relieved of my post by Hauptstandartenfuehrer Dr. Enno LOLLING, Chief of Amt D III. The reason was that some disciplinary action was taken against Obersturmfuehrer Dr. ROSENTHAL. He had had a love affair with a German prisoner nurse and performed an abortion on her. As his medical superior, I was accused of knowing of this affair, so I felt myself forced to ask to be relieved of my duties, especially since relations with the camp commander at the time, Sturmbannfuehrer Fritz SUHREN were not of the best. I was sent to Natzweiler, to relieve Obersturmfuehrer Dr. von BODMANN there.
I spent from about the middle of August to the middle of October 1943, in Natzweiler, then got the order from the head of Amt D III to take over the duties of Dr. Waldemar HOVEN, who was under investigation, as station doctor of the Waffen SS, Weimar, and 1st camp doctor of Buchenwald. After I turned my own duties over to Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Richard KRIEGER, my successor took over my new office.
My activities in Buchenwald started on around the 15-18 October 1943, and ended 11 April 1945, the day the Americans entered. When I took over, there were sufficient facilities in the prisoners' hospital to handle the volume of work. I gave the prisoners self-administration and especially the capo (a prisoner who was in charge of other prisoners) Ernst BUSSE a free hand. He picked out war nurses, released those not suitable and occasionally meted out some sort of punishment. The assistant to BUSSE was Otto KIPP, vice capo. There were plenty of doctors around. Some of the departments were headed by prisoners with long years of experience. In the hospital, there were altogether 5 barracks for the sick, a sixth was added later. The dispensary of the little camp had two barracks.
At the time I started to work, no experiments were conducted at Buchenwald. Later there were several series ordered as follows:
1.) Experiment of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. VAERNET
2.) Experiments of Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHRICK [sp?]
3.) Nutrition experiments with SAEMIGMARK [sp?]
4.) Investigations of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. ELLENBECK
In reference to 1.) The experiments of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. VAERNET, a Danish hormone expert, took place about the middle of 1944 on order of the Reichsfuehrer SS, who had directed the Reich physician of the SS, Dr. GRAWITZ, to have the experiments carried out in Buchenwald. The aim of the experiments was to change homosexuals so they would again react normally. My part in the experiments, which was detailed for me in written instructions from my superior, Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. LOLLING, was only to see to it that the necessary number of homosexuals were in the camp. In a preliminary examination, Dr. VAERNET picked out suitable subjects, then informed us by wire from Prag on about what day he would perform operations on the 4 subjects. He also desired to operate on 6 more prisoners, at a later date, one of whom was to be a eunuch and another an aged man who was no longer capable of sexual feelings. in the operation itself, a 2-3 cm long incision was made in the abdomen under local anesthasia. Then the artificial hormone, which he had developed himself and which was in the form of a normal pill, was inserted into the sub cutaneous fatty tissues and the wound closed.
In reference to 2.) The experiments of Obersturmfuehrer Dr. SCHICK were concerned with the healing of boils and small carbuncles. Buchenwald was given the assignment to furnish sick men as subjects to test this method. The results were positive, many boils could be healed much quicker this way.
In reference to 3.) In the nutrition experiments with "Saemigmark", an additional forgus [sic] (Pilzrasen) supposedly containing 50g albumen, was administered. It was a by product of the process of washing unfinished cellulose to remove excess sulfites with lye solutions wih which nothing can be done; it was gained by a complicated procedure.
In reference to 4.) The interests of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Hans Dieter ELLENBECK aly in about the same direction as those of the nutrition experiments. His Job [sic] - was in the case of frequent occurence diseases, or complaints about the conditions of the prisoners, to investigate and find the cause. He was appointed by the Chief hygienist, SS Oberfuehrer Professor Dr. MRUGOWSKI to visit the various sites where building and armaments construction jobs were to be carried out. Many times these places were far underground, hard mining work had to be done, the distance to the place of work was too far and difficult shoes were impractical and unserviceable, clothes not sufficient so unnecessary colds occurred. Also the question of inspection, the distribution and receiving of food, recreation and time off and shelter came up. All these things may be contributing factors towards the recurrences of a disease of a similar condition a work detail. Experiments with nutrition re this problem were to be started in Buchenwald, but then called off in March 1945 due to the progress of war.
Further experiments with human beings were carried on in block 48, which was affiliated with the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, Dept for Spotted Fever and Virus research. It head was Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Erwin DING, later SCHULER who did not work under me, but as heads of a dpeartment of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, worked directly under Berlin. I therefore never mixed myself up in the affairs of the Institute. Later SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER requested me to represent him during his frequent absences from Buchenwald if a signature was urgently needed. Of the activities of the Institute, I only know that after vaccination with the various vaccines to be tested, the prisoners were infected with spotted fever. Then if a prisoner died, his case history was not sent in to the hospital, but collected for scientific purposes. Only a short notation was made on his card that the man had died in Block 48. On order of the Reich physician SS the cause of death on the prisoner records was changed to something else such as pneumonia, pleurisy or inflammation of the kidneys. As far as choosing the prisoners for the experiments went, I am acquainted with the fact that many prisoners, especially from among the security prisoners, (Sicherhietsverwahrten) volunteered. On order of Amtsgruppe D Professional criminals were transferred from other camps and sent tot he experimental laboratory in Buchenwald. I was asked by SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER to help pick the victims because he did not chose to enter the limelight. A man from the Criminal Police Department of the Reich, a Kriminalrat Otto, appeared for this purpose. Only such prisoners were picked who had more than 10 years in prison, were under 40 years of age and who were able to meet the physical requirements of an SS man. Such examinations took place two times, each time 20-30 prisoners were picked. I very seldom had a chance to visit block 46, only when there was an inspection in which I took part. Only twice was I there and within a few days in order to observe patients. That was when, to comply with Dr. SCHULER's request, I went to observe the effectiveness of his vaccine. He then asked me to continue the observations because he had to leave within the next few days. I then did that. I cannot give the number of deaths among experimental patients, in block 46, but I imagine that during the beginning, there were more deaths than towards the end. I estimate the number of deaths recorded during the time I worked in the hospital building to be between 40 and 50.
Another experiment of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER's was with a poison which the Russians supposedly used against Germans in Russia territory when they wanted to get rid of them. SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER, as far as I know, had orders from the chief SS hygienist, SS Oberfuehrer Prof. Dr. Joachim MRUGOWSKI, to study how this poison takes effect and to use prisoners for the experiment. I don't know how prisoners were chosen for this nor upon whose orders. One day he asked me to visit the crematorium where the experiment was to take place. There were, as far as I remember 4 to 6 prisoners. When I got there the poison had already begun to take effect on some. This was visible because the victims threw up, had stomach cramps and their faces had begun to discolor, one was unconscious; with the others there was less effect to be observed. Since I had little time, I left soon and sent a Medical NCO down whom SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER had requested. How the experiment continued, I don't know; I only heard later that all prisoners had died. Another responsibility of being camp doctor was everything that had to do with disinfection. The system of having a man in charge of hygiene in each block was new to me. Their job was to check cleanliness, haircuts and twice a week to check the men for lice. There were also many fleas, which had been imported by large transports of French, but they were gotten rid of quickly. Bugs were imported toward the end of 1944, from infested barrack parts of camp Plaszow, which was being evacuated at the time. Infested barracks were immediately disinfected and prisoners used for this purpose had to wash themselves thoroughly every night. In spite of that, bugs were later found in some of the barracks. The men supervising the disinfection were SS Unterscharfuehrers TRILLHASS, FRIEDRICH, BUTTE and HARRY, also the SS man SZAIKIS. They also did that work with the troops.
Another responsibility was the checking of sanitary conditions in the kitchens etc. They all, and especially the modern mass kitchen were always without fault. Especially during the last months, due to the increasing number of prisoners, they had to be used day and night in several shifts. Guards had to be placed so not too much of the kitchen stores would be stolen, and to assist the prisoners picking up the food for their blocks, as they were sometimes attacked by the youthful prisoners who were always loafing about. Even when the food was distributed among the individual prisoners, it occurred that a weak man had to give way to a strong one and had to go away empty handed also that after they had already had the food, a fellow prisoner would take it from them by stealth or brutality. The consequences were clear, he would get still weaker and after a while become helpless. The block personnel were helpless because of the great overcrowding; and with all the nationalities represented, there wasn't even a reasonable way of making themselves understood. The camp headquarters was also helpless, they were lacking blockleaders who were able to exclusively devote to their attention of the needs of any one block. Those unpleasant conditions unfortunately did not get better as time went on, but got worse as more prisoners arrived in the camp. In the small camp they were able to distribute the food more justly by having a chow line in the movie hall.
Pathology was another field under the supervision of the camp doctor. For this there was part of a barrack next to a dissecting chamber near the crematorium. The capo here was a chemist named MEGERER. He was arrested by the Weimar Stapo towards the end of last year, and his place was taken by a czech physicist named Sitto who was "Privatdozent" (unsalaried lecturer) at the University of Prague. Doctors wroking here were a Dutchman, Dr. HAMBURGER, a bacteriologist, and a French pathology expert. I had impressed on the Capo for pathology the necessity to call me in the case of each corpse where a suspicion of unnatural death existed, so I could make an investigation at once. This happened several times, in once case a Frenchman was beaten to death by his compatriots in the block because he was supposedly a stool pigeon who had betrayed many of his countrymen. Similar cases occurred when the details working outside were recalled; one Dutch Capo on such a detail was beaten to death by his fellow prisoners. When the outside detail working at Rheinmetall Borsig in Dusseldorf returned in the beginning of March 1945, three Capos were beaten to death by their fellow prisoners. One day a Russian with bad head wounds was delivered to the hospital. He had apparently gotten these in a political argument with his countrymen. He had at the same time been menaced to commit suicide. There was much political tension among the Russians. One bloody incident, caused by this happened in the winter of 1943-44 when a Russian was beaten to death with an iron bar on the Campstrasse.
Those who got sick in one of the outside camps belonging to Buchenwald, were sent back to the main camp thus overcrowding the already plentiful sick, infirm and weak. For those returnees a special war was arranged. The Hungarian Jews, who came to the camp about the end of May 1944, caused a special lot of work, I myself went to the Brabag works in Troglitz to sort out the ill and those no longer capable of work. Bad, practically non-existent ventilation resulted in making everything in camp damp, and the overcrowding of which we had complained to the management of the industry resulted in an undue number of diseases due to cold. On the 30 or 31st of January this year, in a must of the whole camp, I myself picked out several hundred men no longer able to work, and a far greater number still of those who were fit to work on armaments as specialists but not fit to work on construction jobs. Other outside work details, which remain in my memory because of the large number of ill returnees, were: Komanndo SCHMAL?? V. in Borga/Elstor, B II in Halberstadt, S III in Ohrdurf. They were all building details. Just as the sick rate of the returnees, so too the number of deaths, was high. The deaths occurred mainly as a result of complications after colds, gastro-enteritis, heart and circulatory weakness, along with generally feeble bodily state. Each death had to be reported to Buchenwald. The death certificates were checked and approved by a medical NCO, if none was present, by the camp director (fuehrer) and the cause of death confirmed by the contract doctor (Vertragsarzt)
Another of the assigned duties of the camp doctor was the participation in affecting discipline; the doctor had to examine prisoners condemned to the flogging (Pruegelstrafe) as to their ability to bear such punishment. During my stay at Buchenwald, I examined patients for two or three of these floggings, each time 10 to 15 prisoners who were receive, as approved, 5-25 blows according to the gravity of their crimes.
It was also the camp doctor's duty to attend executions. I was not always able to attend in time and sent other doctors. The doctors who also took part were: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Relph ROGGE, SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. Erich KATHER, SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr, MIRM????GH???. SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. August BENDER did not much of this work because he visited patients in the afternoon. During my time, I attended about 120 executions. Only a very small minority of these were executions of war prisoners, the far greater majority were foreign workers especially sent to the camp for this who had been condemned for offences like plundering, sexual crimes, resisting arrest and stealing during blackouts. Furthermore there were several SS and policemen, who had been condemned to death by SS courts among those executed. According to instruction the men were shot or hanged, mostly the latter. The job of the doctor was to confirm the death of the prisoner and to report this fact to the SS man in charge. During my whole time in Buchenwald, I never heard of a Kommando SS in regard to which I was questioned here, and never took part in it it.
In addition, I'd like to report that I also attended three executions at Mauthausen, 2 shootings and one hanging. All condemned were Poles; I remember only the cause of the latter. He had raped a German girl. The executions were carried out by a special squad of SS men, in charge was one SS Hauptsturmfuehrer ZOLLER, then a Judge Advocate officer (Gerichtsoffizier). During my tour of duty at Ravensbrueck, I estimate that about 25 women were executed by shooting. They were exclusively Polish women, who were already prisoners, whose sentences were only approved after a long time by the Governor-General. These executions were carried out by the company commander in the presence of the camp commander, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Max KOEGEL. Later, the executions were under SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Edmund BRAEUNING. In Natzweiler, about 4 hangings took place; furthermore about 3 or 4 Russians were hanged for planning to break out of camp. Here the camp commander SS Hauptsturmfuehrer KRAMER, was present but I don't know who was in charge.
Of the number of deaths in Mauthausen, I can only give 5-6 daily as a near estimate. The score in Gusen was higher, about 15-20. During the winter, these figures were supposed to have increased. In Flossenburg, I estimate the number at about 10 daily. In the women's camp Ravensbrueck, there were hardly any deaths in the beginning, perhaps one, sometimes two or three a week. But as the number and overcrowding of prisoners increased, so did the death toll, I guess that at the time there were 16000 to 18000 prisoners there were 10-15-20 deaths a week. When I came to Buchenwald, there were 6-10 deaths daily out of 20,000 prisoners. This only goes for Buchenwald, not the outside details, because especially in the last months of 43 and the first of 44, the Kommandos Dora and Laura increased and on some days Dora had 40-50 deaths and Laura up to 20. Due to the arrival of a transport of 6,000 Frenchmen during the last days January, 1944, a further general decline in health was observed. Obviously these masses of prisoners were brought in without checking each individual man first, so that we found old men, amputation cases, cases of confusion of the brain dating from the first world war and men inflicted with all sorts of maladies; all of which was bound to raise the death and disease rate. Also those prisoners coming in through ordinary channels were not in the best of health, especially prisoners brought in from the Stapo prisons were in a bad state of health when they came to the camp. It was seen that the majority who died, died within a few weeks or even days after they arrived at the camp from diseases they had caught before they came to us. Another increase in the death and sickness rate was brought about by repeatedly dragging in cases contagious diseases, like spotted fever, in spite of warnings to the authorities bringing them to us. The number of unnatural deaths in Buchenwald was very small. During the last year and 1/2 perhaps 10 people hanged themselves, 3-4 were shot while on flight, and 1-2 met death by running into the electrically charged barbed wire. Among the outside details, the number was greater. The number of industrial accidents leading to death can be correctly estimated at 5-6 for buchenwald. Also the air attacks caused heavy losses among prisoners. The following figures on prisoner losses due to air attacks I still remember; counting only prisoners:
Spring 1944: Elawerke in Leipzig, 12 dead.
June/July 1944: Galsenberg AG, over 200 dead (Hungarian Jewesses).
20 July 1944: Wintershall, Lutzendorf, 14 dead, 35 wounded
Fall, 1944: Camp Mauselwitz, 25 dead, 35 wounded (women).
9 February 1945: Gustloffwerke Weimar, 300 dead, 180 wounded.
9 February 1945: Artern, 120 dead, 100 wounded (fighter bomber attack on prisoner transport)
24 February 1945: Weimar, 25 dead.
March, 1945: Fighter bomber attack near Hofgarten on a transport returning with sick prisoners, 16 dead.
Besides this, several outside details in the Rhineland and the Brabagbetriebe were hit, but I don't remember the casualties. I estimate that about 1500 prisoners altogether died as a result of the air attacks.
After the invasion, the camps in France and Belgium were evacuated, one almost wants to say, naturally to Buchenwald. New prisoner transports arrived. To make room for them at all, three big tents had to be erected for several thousand Frenchmen, Belgians and Dutchmen. Their physical condition was no better than that of the first big transports from there, and due to the heat, there were cases of heat hyperemia and stroke on the transports and many dead were unloaded each time. The identification of those dead gave a special amount of trouble because no one knew them by name, so we even went as far as to make photos of the dead and showed them around to the rest of the people from the transport for identification. At this time, transports of Warsaw Poles also arrived; they were sent to Buchenwald after the socalled Warsaw revolt. Amongst them were a small number of youths and children with relatives, another unforeseen burden ont he camp. The number of sick, invalids and people unfit to work rose constantly. During that time, it was reported to me by the prisoner doctor Katzenellenbogen that a number of English and North American fliers had come into the camp with a transport from France. I immediately ordered a list of their names prepared and reported of this detail to the Kommandantur. These soldiers were later transferred to a PW camp; I estimate their number at about 80.
Around September/October 1944, 2 transports with 1600 Danish police members arrived from Denmark, which put a heavy strain on the hospital due to the great amount of illness. They required particular attention and were later transferred to a PW Camp near Torgau. I don't want to close the chapter on the Danes without mentioning that here for the first time, numbers of the Red Cross found their way into the camp and were able to ease the situation of their countrymen.
About November, 1944, prisoners were transferred from Camp Stufhof near Danzig to Buchenwald. They were meant for a new, urgent building project near Ohrdruf, which carried the name "S III." For this, all available prisoners from all camps were furnished. Of this, first transport, the majority of prisoners could not be used for this work because they were no longer capable of working. There were a number of Estonians, Latvians, Poles and Russians who could not be used for any work whatsoever. It was obvious on first glance that they would never get well again, but over a longer or shorter period of time, would die from general physical weakness. This transport was followed by others which were no better, and the number of deaths rose constantly from that time on. Even though the Kommando S III was not working under Buchenwald, but directly under Amtsgruppe D in Oranienburg, Buchenwald had the assignment to take in these prisoners coming from other camps and to sort them out, that is, to sent out the healthy ones and those capable of work, and to keep the others. As time went by, the first evacuation transports came from Auschwitz; first one from Czenstochau, with about 3000 male Jews who had worked there in the Hasag factories. These were almost exclusively healthy strong men in the age group best suited for industrial work. Contrary to this, there were objections to the flow of prisoners reaching S III, especially since some of the transports went there directly on orders of Amtsgruppe D without first hitting Buchenwald. The steady and varied complaints made about the physical condition and number of the sick by S III were a strain on the camp doctor. In the middle of December 1944, I got orders from SS Standartenfuehrer Dr. Enno LOLLING, head of Amt D III, to visit this Kommando and make a detailed report about conditions found. Here, as was usual with Building Kommandos, there were difficult working conditions, and sometimes, long distances to reach working sites. Also time off was very limited, and there was not sufficient clothing. Buchenwald had to come and lend a helping hand. There were very many sick, the majority suffered from external diseases; there were also many deaths resulting from heart and cirulatory troubles, pneumonia and gastro-enteritis. I had the impression that here conditions, were particularly bad because the other camps had given a bad calibre of men to this project. Hereto was added the order from Amtsgruppe D that only Russians, Poles and Jews were to be sent there. Vermin had already become an acute problem in S III; by being transferred from toher caps, the prisoners were often put to work without having observed the usual quarantine period. In the meantime, Amtsgruppe D ordered a change of doctors; they ordered SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Heinrich PLAZE to S III in the beginning of December, 1944; he was relieved by SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. Werner GREUNUS in the beginning of January. Dr. THALER, an Oberarzt (First lieutenant, Med.) of the Luftwaffe was detached for duty with the SS III [sic]. In the beginning, he only took care of the troops, later also part of the prisoners in one of the camps, SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. GREUNUS periodically picked out prisoners no longer able to work, who were then sent to Bergen-Belsen. As far as I remember, there were 2 or 3 such transports, with 1000 prisoners each, which went directly from S III to Bergen Belsen. In the middle of February, 1945, the alarming news came, that spotted fever had broken out in this Kommando. An immediate visit, together with SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. SCHULER, the consultant hygienist, confirmed this. At the end of January, prisoners infected with spotted fever were transferred, during the incubation period, from 2 outside camps of Dachau directly to S III. Every thin was done to confine the disease to its original scape so that work could be continued. The death rate of this disease can only be called relatively high, considerably more prisoners died from other diseases.
For example, in the middle of January of this year, I got the death and sickness records of about 760 prisoners who had died there approximately between the end of November and the beginning of December. The problem of getting rid of the corpses became a big problem for this Kommando. In the beginning, corpses of dead prisoners, about 50 in all, were continually brought to Buchenwald, but this became impossible because of the lack of motor fuel, so that, though only for a short while, they were brought to the crematorium in Gotha until it was bombed out. Then there was no other way but burial. although the Kommando kept urging cremation on funeral pyres. Therefore the chief and consultant hygienists of the project picked out a site where the burials permitted by Amtsgruppe D were carried out, I don't know how many were taken care of in this way. To, find replacements for people in this Kommando was not easy, even though large numbers of prisoners arrived by continual transports at Buchenwald and the remaining camps from Auschwitz and later Gross-Rosen. But these men were in such poor physical condition that only a very small minority could be considered for work. First, they all needed to recover from the strenuous trip. They almost always at first marched great distances during cold weather, walking their feet sore, then they were so closely packed into partly open freight cars that they could only stand up. The results were frozen limbs, inflammations of the wounded feet and complications due to the cold. Food supplies were used up and new ones could not be gotten on the trip. Besides hunger, thirst tortured the prisoners, during the short delay in stations, no warm drink could be gotten so quickly. A large number of prisoners died on the way from exhaustion and weakness; those who arrived alive were so down and out that they could hardly stand on their feet, and were unable to bear even the slightest physical exertion. During the next few hours and days, many of the new arrivals died. There were transports which carried great numbers of dead with them; others had already unloaded them on the way to make room for the living. I remember one transport which had unloaded 400 dead on the road and arrived in Buchenwald with 120 more. I got the order from the camp commander to report the daily deaths of an other transport; there were several hundred but I don't remember the exact number. Difficulties and more difficulties resulted, not alone as regarded the billeting of these messes of people, but also as regarded the medical care of these pitiful figures. The hospital area and dispensary of the small camp were no longer sufficient for this purpose because there was no more room. So to a large extent they had to be housed in the barracks of the small camp. A further job of the camp doctors was to write out death certificates which was very difficult because there were no transports lists, and the dead often had various prisoner numbers on their clothing. there was still an advantage in that most of the prisoners came from Auschwitz and had a number tattooed on the underside of their left arm, which made it possible to identify them. The morgue in the dissecting room was no longer sufficient for such great numbers of corpses, so that the fenced in yard of the pathology building temporarily had to be used to store the dead as they were unloaded. Also determining the cause and time of death could no longer be done exactly. Lists were made of those who arrived dead in so far as they could be named; the cause of death was given as general exhaustion combined with heart and circulatory trouble, unless by inspection other causes of an external nature could be determined, such as advanced frost bite, phlegmon etc. The crematorium was also hard to keep up because a coal shortage existed. There was to come a time when this became altogether impossible. Now the question of a suitable burial ground for the dead raising itself. One site was chosen near the Eismark to or about 400-600 meters beyond the chain of guards. The burials were accomplished by a special detail of prisoners. These burials were not performed from a definite point of time on, but only then when no fuel was available and the number of dead ready for cremation was so high that their lying around could become a health hazard. As far as I remember, the prisoners working in the crematorium, upon my asking about the number of dead thus buried, told me 1860. This, a few days before the occupation of Buchenwald. Without counting those who went directly to outside Kommandos, about 10000 to 12000 prisoners must have been transferred from the Camp Auschwitz and Gross-Rosen between about the end of October 1944 and February 1945. Here it has to be mentioned that those who came from Gross-Rosen were in still poorer shape than those who came from Auschwitz. Since sometimes women transports also came to Buchenwald, which were then sent further on, there was often long delays at the RR[?] station. Here the lack of a greater latrine facilities proved to be of great disadvantage.
The number of sick sent in from the outside Kommandos also rose steadily, so that the number of sick in Buchenwald increased some more; the hospital always had 2200-2400 bed patients in its various housing facilities at this time.
Around this time, February, 1945, the return of outside Kommandos due to the approaching enemy also started. They returned if at all possible to the mother camp, most of them marching, and all had at least to march considerable distance before they could be transported by train. All these brought along their sick and exhausted who needed rest and quiet for the time being.
About February of this year, a transport of 650 prisoners, no longer able to walk, arrived from the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. They had been evacuated to save them from the Russians. Then during the month of March, a flood of returnees from outside Kommandos started that increased and reached its height towards the beginning of April when Kommando S III began arriving at Buchenwald in big and small streams of refugees. Thus the camp reached its highest point of 48,000 prisoners. Due to the large number of sick, the patients had to be discharged from the hospital prematurely and were turned over to the care of the block doctors. These block doctors were an old arrangement of the little camps which required them because of having had for a long time a great number of sick and because of the type, turnover and composition of its inmates. They were the ones who picked out those prisoners who, due to weakness and life endangering illness, could not longer live in the overcrowded blocks. They also reported those who had contagious infectious diseases and had to be removed from the blocks. This epidemic control was taken over from the prisoner doctor KATZENELLENBOGEN was caught in the middle of January 1945 smuggling letters out of camp, and the political department asked that he be relieved. Every morning, Dr. KAAS reported the number of infectious diseases, increases, decreases and any other happenings that would be of interest to a physician, that happened in the little camp. These transfers to Block 61 were also supervised by the vice Capo of the hospital, Otto Kipp, whose main job was to supervise sanitation and cleanliness in the little camp. I missed him around the end of January of this year and mentioned this fact, but was told that he was busy in the little camp sorting out all the sick and transferring them to Block 61. One day, it might have been in the beginning of February, SS Hauptscharfuehrer FRIEDRICH Wilhelm reported to me that he caught prisoner sanitation personnal in block 61 giving life shortening injections to patients. The prisoners had explained to him that the number of prisoners near death and dead was increasing, these - mostly dysentery patients - were discharging their pus and blood laden excrement under themselves, and that the danger existed that because of the crowded wards, the disease would spread through the block and the rest of the camp. In order to ease the death of those hopelessly sick, who were beyond hope of recovery, the most extreme measure had been taken and they were given injections. Also the source of infection was thus removed sooner than it would be by natural death, and thus spreading of the disease was being combated. What kind of injections were made and who gave them, I don't know; nor do I know how many prisoners they were given. The developments of the first months of this year: overcrowding, the bad and insufficient housing, their results and impending consequences were known by higher headquarters, especially Amtsgruppe D through continuous reports and messages. Also by the doctors, the continuous large number of sick, invalids, diseased and other occurrences were reported orally and in writing. On the basis of all this, Buchenwald received permission from Amstgruppe D to evacuate 2000 sick who were unfit to work to the camp for the sick, Bergen-Belsen. These were picked in a very short time and sent there about the middle of March. Around 20 March, the head of the Economic and Administrative Main Office (Wirtschaftsverwaltungs-Hauptamt), SS Obergruppenfuehrer OSWALD POHL together with the head of Amt D III, SS Standartenfuehrer Dr. Enno LOLLING and a representative of Amstgruppe D, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer HOESS, came to inspect Buchenwald. They came mainly to settle the problem of housing further prisoners, as well as to determine the number of sick, invalids and others not capable of working and to see about their billeting and possible occupation.
Through the return of thousands of prisoners from the outside Kommandos, the number of the sick and weak rose considerably. On the day Buchenwald was liberated, the following figures were reported to me from the office: 2640 bad patients, around 3000 invalids and convalescents, 5000-6000 prisoners not capable of being transported, the latter figure is only an estimated figure because about 27,000 had been evacuated from the camp several days before. In my estimation, half of the 21,000 remaining behind could not be transported. This evacuation was executed on orders of the highest authorities, because of security and feeding problems of the civilians. The Gauleiter of Thuringen, SAUCKEL, the Reich Defense Commissioner and the competent higher SS and Police Officer for the region, SS Obergruppenfuehrer Erbprinz zu WALDECK and PYRMONT had agreed to this. A telephone or radio message came, I presume from Berlin, on the evening of 6 April, whether from Reichsfuehrer SS
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